In the past two days, the situation of significant countries in the Indo-Pacific region has overwhelmed viewers, according to commentator Ding Dong.
Russian President Vladimir Putin rarely leads a massive delegation for a quick visit to India. However, the two countries have signed several agreements on military technology cooperation; Russia-India relations have reached the alliance level.
What is extraordinary is that Russia’s military equipment and technology exports to India are cutting-edge and very useful in military conflicts. Due to sovereignty disputes on the Indian border, the supply of weapons such as the S-400 anti-missile system and the legendary S-500 anti-missile system Su-30MKI fighter, T-90C tank is very timely.
After that, Russia and ASEAN quietly conducted a joint naval exercise for the first time. The training held an opening ceremony in Indonesian territorial waters. It stated that “its purpose is to maintain the region’s peace, stability, and prosperity.”
Ding Dong said that even the United States had not conducted an exercise of the level and scale that Russia has. What does this represent? It illustrates a core problem: ASEAN is concerned that it is too sensitive to choose between the United States and the regional powers.
But on the other hand, ASEAN eagerly hoped that foreign powers would intervene in the regional situation to enhance their sense of security. What did that mean? He said perhaps China would have to ponder on it more.
After returning from a short visit to India and then back to China, Putin immediately used a dedicated video system to dialogue with Biden. Still, this time the method of communication is video, and Russia has shown a more urgent attitude.
Why use ‘dedicated line?’
It does not need to be confidential like the “semi-public” agreement between Russia and India. Why should it be kept secret? Dong analyzed that it is related to the interests of third-party strategic partners. This time China has to think even more carefully.
The interaction between Russia and the United States does not end there. The United Nations General Assembly recently passed without a vote a resolution jointly formulated by Russia and the United States on the need to prevent the use of information and technology resources by criminals and terrorists.
This move has a symbolic meaning of the underground alliance between Russia and the United States.
After much consideration, Biden decided to make a public statement to launch a diplomatic boycott of the Beijing Olympics. This results from a balance of interests and promotes the strategy of loosening and controlling the Russia–U.S. bilateral relations.
To some extent, the United States’s attitude has become the best cover for Moscow’s series of strategic actions—making it seem less threatening and more acceptable.
On the one hand, the attitude of the United States has provided strategic support for some countries to agree. But, on the other hand, it has also created difficulties for other countries with an ambivalent attitude.
Australia’s entry with the United States is a highly probable event.
According to commentator Ding Dong, New Zealand proved clever when it refused to directly send representatives at the ministerial level or higher to the Beijing Olympics because of the epidemic.
The European Union, Germany, and France may have a similar attitude as New Zealand.
So the compromise solution proposed by the UK’s Johnson government is up for discussion at the G7 foreign ministers meeting to be held a few days later. The attitude that the G7, the UK, and Japanese governments adopt will eventually come into focus.
A report indicates that the “Diplomatic White Paper 2021,” published by the Korean Foreign Ministry on Dec. 6, describes Japan as its “closest neighbor.” Many people might demand. How is that possible? Because they had the impression from the news that Japan and Korea suffered a rift and hated each other.
A similar situation is that the first country with which ASEAN signed a “comprehensive strategic partnership” was Australia, not any major country in the region.
Audiences accustomed to seeing Australia’s relationship with ASEAN increasingly alienated as its relationship with the Asia-Pacific powers deteriorated find it hard to believe how it’s progressing in the area over the past few days.
All of these events, in turn, have pretty obvious implications: the great power rivalry in the Indo-Pacific region is becoming more and more complex and fierce, the balance is being delicately tilted.
Public opinion may show an accurate picture, and China’s virtual environment may be worse than imagined. Beijing should prepare mentally for this; it will be more beneficial than blind optimism.