It is no secret that Vladimir Putin was trained in the Soviet Union’s secret services. But this does not mean that he was or is a communist.
To understand this, one must realize that within the USSR, there were many nationalist officials and military officers who, of course, acted in secret. In 1999, Putin described communism as “a dead end, far from the mainstream of civilization.”
Communism fell in Russia because Russians were fed up with it, and the fact is that the nationalist Putin was an active participant in its fall. But the cost of the fall of communism in Russia was the dissolution of the geopolitical armament of the USSR, which, to use Putin’s words, was a disaster not only for Russia but also for the world.
After the demise of the USSR in the 1990s, Boris Yeltsin’s administration completely dismantled the former Soviet state to put it in the hands of the internal mafia… Yes, the globalist “new oligarchy” allied to transnational corporations and world banking.
During the 1990s, the plan of the globalist elite was clear: Russia was to join the clutches of the Cabal and the former socialist republics to the “great world market” commanded by the globalist governments of that time based in Washington, Brussels, and the supranational organizations.
Severely diminished in its military and economic capabilities, and having lost a good part of the areas of influence once held by the USSR, the new Russian nationalist leaders and ideologues, with Putin at their head, designed a new strategy to recover Russia for the Russians, expel globalism and communism, and carefully insert itself into the international concert.
To understand this process initiated by Putin, we must remember that Yeltsin, the first Russian president after the fall of the Soviet Union, consolidated the reforms that allowed the so-called Russian globalist “oligarchs” to advance to power.
Among them, two people stood out: Boris Berezovsky and Mikhail Khodorkovsky. The latter had become, overnight, the owner of the gigantic Russian oil company called Yukos.
And, true to globalist tactics, his aspiration was clear: to influence Russian domestic politics from the sphere of multinational business to become president.
Both Berezovsky and Khodorkovsky were identified as emblematic heads of what was known as the “globalist lobby” in post-Soviet Russia.
But the move did not work out as expected. As is well known, Putin quickly rose through the ranks of Yeltsin’s government to become prime minister.
After taking over as acting president due to Yeltsin’s illness on December 31, 1999, Putin (with his entourage known as the “KGB clique”) began an aggressive purge against the “globalist lobby” of the oligarchs that deepened when he became president of Russia by-election.
Since 2000, he has restored the Soviet bureaucracy to Russian nationalism, with solid control over the Armed Forces and the security apparatus.
From this position of power, Putin and his group initiated persecution against the power of the globalist oligarchs.
Berezovsky had made his fortune when Russia went through the privatization of state property. He benefited from taking control of several assets, including the country’s main television channel, Channel One.
He had formed a group of globalist businessmen – called the “Davos Group” – acting in direct coordination with the Western globalist elite, with the direct intervention of tycoons and speculators such as George Soros.
From this Davos Pact, the Russian oligarchs designed their strategy to take over Russia’s main assets.
As was to be expected, their meteoric accumulation of fortune was peppered with various cases of corruption.
It should be noted that these measures by Putin to limit the political influence of the Russian oligarchs, by the standards of Western democracy, were a step backward in the democratic gains made by Russia after the dissolution of the USSR.
The problem was that Berezovsky wanted to continue his enormous political influence, arguing that – in the absence of a civil society, as was the case in Russia – the oligarchs not only could but should intervene directly in the political process to protect democracy. On the other hand, Putin took the opposite view: that the oligarchs should concentrate on business and not interfere in politics.
Eventually, the Russian justice system moved against Berezovsky and his corruption cases, but he had already gone into exile in London, where he finally died in 2013.
The other prominent Russian globalist tycoon, Khodorkovsky, was also accused of evasion and fraud against the state.
Khodorkovsky had a direct connection with Jacob Rothschild, head of the Cabal.
As mentioned, through a controversial auction, this Russian oligarch had become the owner of Yukos, the oil giant later bought and nationalized by the Russian government, with Putin as president in 2004.
In May 2005, Mikhail Khodorkovsky was sentenced to nine years in prison, later reduced to eight.
The Western globalist elite would not forgive Putin for this “audacity.”
The trial against the oil tycoon was seen, especially in the West, as a clear example of the selective use of justice to crackdown on opponents of the Kremlin.
Khodorkovsky’s arrest shook the financial world of Europe and Wall Street, and Western media corporations launched a global offensive to secure his release.
Despite protests from human rights advocates and concerns from some countries, most Russians viewed Khodorkovsky’s arrest and conviction positively.
Based on an application filed by Khodorkovsky himself with the European Court of Human Rights, the Court eventually ruled that the trial against him was not politically motivated but that the charges against him were based on “reasonable suspicion.”
Just one more fact about Khodorkovsky. In 2001 he founded “Open Russia,” an NGO aimed at – according to its platform – defending democracy and human rights.
What does “Open Russia” sound like to you? Yes, George Soros’ nefarious Open Society.
Who was on its board of directors? Listen to these names: Henry Kissinger and the aforementioned Jacob Rothschild.
When Khodorkovsky was arrested, Open Russia ceased to function.
Finally, President Putin pardoned Khodorkovsky and released him from prison on December 20, 2013, under a promise: the ex-oligarch would not get involved in politics again.
But he did not keep his promise and relaunched Open Russia in 2014. Finally, in 2017 Putin’s government banned the organization on Russian territory.
Putin extended this purge and the hunt for globalists in those years, whose most emblematic representations were the aforementioned potentate oligarchs.
The other major front attacked by Putin and the nationalist group of the former Soviet bureaucracy, which took refuge in the KGB after coming to power with Yeltsin, was the Chechen fundamentalist guerrilla infiltrated by the CIA.
After the success of this operation, which was presented with nationalist overtones, Putin’s popularity skyrocketed within Russia. However, the so-called “revolutions” that characterized the former Soviet republics and the inclusion of these nations in NATO drew a military, economic and political encirclement around Russia.
This relative isolation of Putin’s administration led him to advance a series of agreements that would ensure that the oil and gas production of the Central Asian republics would continue to use Russian pipelines to export their oil and gas to Europe, and in the case of Kazakhstan, to transport Russian oil to China.
As the years went by, Putin devised a meticulous, particular and controversial alliance with countries strongly questioned for violating human rights, such as Cuba, China, Venezuela, and Iran. While the globalist administrations of Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama succeeded each other in the United States, Putin—with oil as a strategic weapon of power—was getting closer to the so-called “axis of evil.”
However, it could be said that pragmatism has dominated his foreign policy, leading him to a notorious rapprochement with the European Union and also with the United States. Behind closed doors, he consolidated his power under different political parties, being finally his main hallmark, the nationalist and conservative, United Russia.
In 2018, Putin was re-elected for the fourth time as President of the Russian Federation, with 76% of the votes. With globalist forces tightly restrained in Russia, Putin’s main opposition today is the Communist Party.
While, as said, at times, relations were very tense with the Clinton, Bush, and Obama globalist administrations, there was undoubtedly a complete break with the arrival of Donald Trump in the White House.
But we will see that in part II.